But he and his fellow Mexican immigrants can improve their lot, and that of Mexico, by weighing in on elections south of the border. On July 2, Mexico will elect its next president, and the winner will have his hands full, particularly given this year's likely immigration reform in the U.S. That's because migration to the U.S. and conditions back in Mexico are intimately tied.

The link becomes clear if we transport ourselves to areas like Moroleón, an arid Mexican county that sends many migrants to the Delaware Valley.

A few years ago, I traveled deep into Moroleón's hills to Ojo de Agua, a small village that subsists on farming, livestock and Western Union transfers from places like Kennett Square, Reading and Wilmington.

Despite strong national economic growth in recent years, nearly 60 percent of rural Mexicans remain moderately or extremely poor, according to the World Bank. Ojo de Agua is no exception. "All there is for people here is to work the land, and sometimes the land isn't enough, so all the young men leave," María Soledad Regalado, the local political representative, told me. Undocumented young men in Norristown and throughout the U.S. go for years without seeing their families in Mexico because of the risks of a second border crossing.

The fate of Mexicans in places like Ojo de Agua and Norristown will rest heavily on the next Mexican president. Job creation is critical, since a tighter border would strip Mexico of an outlet for its unemployed. Irrespective of border policy, Mexico needs continued—and increasing—economic growth to keep its capable young men from leaving. Mexico will also need to negotiate on the tiny details of any expanded guest worker program, since most applications will start on Mexican soil. And any legalization process for undocumented immigrants will leave several details, like family reunification, open for debate.

So, which Mexican presidential candidate can best build the economy and negotiate with the U.S.?

Andrés Manuel López Obrador, a leftist former mayor of Mexico City, has promised to raise the incomes of Mexico's poorest by 20 percent, but his fiscal plan remains hazy. He also plans to engage the U.S. on migration, but the U.S. may be leery of another Latin American populist leftist.

Felipe Calderón, of current president Vicente Fox's more conservative National Action Party, has caught up with López Obrador in the polls. He promises to create one million new jobs at less fiscal cost. Calderón may benefit from continuity, since Fox enjoyed warm diplomatic relations with the U.S.

The third leading candidate (out of six), Roberto Madrazo, of the long ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party, may have more luck with Mexico's legislature than Fox did. Still, Madrazo's predecessors—many charged with corruption—have discredited him among Mexican voters and U.S. politicians.

Overall, the Delaware Valley's Mexican immigrants seem split be- tween López Obrador and Calderón. But most were ill-informed or discouraged about the voting process. "How can I vote down there if I'm up here?" one immigrant wondered. "I heard you have to line up at the consulate at 3 a.m.," another said, even though the process works entirely by mail. In fact, according to Mexico's Federal Electoral Institute, only 54,780 Mexican emigrants applied to vote in the coming election, even though millions could be eligible.

Still, the verdict will arrive on July 2. Calderón has the momentum and may be strongest on job creation in Mexico and negotiations with the U.S. Regardless of the outcome, two things are clear. First, the winner must go to work quickly on the economy and the details of U.S. immigration policy. And, second, Mexico must work harder to engage its emigrants in the next Mexican election. Ojo de Agua and Norristown will be the better for both.

Michael D. Kerlin, a Philadelphia-area native, is a management consultant in Washington, D.C.